From Rotherham to Rochdale: The Silence is Deafening

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Breaking the Chain of Silence: Why Britain Needs a Royal Commission on Systematic Child Protection Failures and Grooming Gangs

The recent arrests of two former South Yorkshire Police officers in Rotherham expose just one thread in a vastly larger tapestry of institutional failure. Evidence now points to organised child exploitation networks operating across at least 50 towns and cities in Britain, suggesting a scale of abuse far beyond what official reports have acknowledged.

While children were being systematically abused, police officers – now alleged to have been perpetrators themselves – were in positions of authority over investigations into these very crimes. The implications are staggering: How many investigations were deliberately undermined? How many victims were silenced? How many perpetrators were protected?

Two former police officers have been arrested over complaints from four victims of child sexual exploitation in Rotherham.

The police watchdog said the alleged offences are said to have been committed by the two former South Yorkshire Police constables, who were based in the town, while they were on and off duty.

A retired officer in his 60s is being investigated following complaints of child sexual abuse against two girls between 1995 and 1999, according to the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC).

He was arrested in October on suspicion of misconduct in public office, attempted rape and three counts of indecent assault, and was further arrested this month about reported sexual offences against a third complainant between 1997 and 2002.

The second former officer, who is in his 50s, was arrested in December on suspicion of sexual assault and misconduct in public office and one count of indecent assault over alleged incidents in around 1995 to 1996.

Public trust is shattered…

The 2014 Jay Report’s finding that 1,400 children were sexually abused in Rotherham between 1997 and 2013 was shocking enough. But as similar patterns emerged across the country – from Oxford to Rochdale, from Telford to Manchester – it became clear that Rotherham was not an anomaly but a symptom of a national crisis. The Jay report barely touched on other grooming cases up and down the country.

Meanwhile, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper has announced plans for a nationwide review of grooming gang evidence and five government-backed local inquiries.

She stopped short of launching a statutory national inquiry, as called for by the Conservatives and some Labour MPs, but this marks a clear shift in the government’s position.

She also announced a “rapid” three month national audit headed by veteran government trouble-shooter Baroness Louise Casey to examine the demographics of the gangs and their victims, as well as “cultural drivers” behind the offending.

This does not go nearly far enough. There is a public cry for a national inquiry, and while ever the government hold back from this, it feeds populist support.

The dramatic shift in position by Sarah Champion, Rotherham’s MP, reflects the growing recognition that localised investigations are insufficient. Her initial resistance to an inquiry, citing concerns about “another 10 years of waiting,” has given way to the stark admission that “nothing less than a national inquiry” will restore public faith. This reversal speaks volumes about the mounting pressure to address these systematic failures comprehensively.

A royal commission would have several crucial advantages over the current patchwork of local investigations:

First, it would possess the authority to examine patterns across all affected regions, understanding how similar exploitation networks operated in different areas and why institutional responses were consistently inadequate. Second, its powers of arrest would ensure that both perpetrators and those who enabled them through negligence or active cover-up face justice. Third, its national scope would allow it to investigate not just individual cases but the systemic failures that allowed these networks to flourish across multiple jurisdictions.

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Dan Carden, Labour MP for Liverpool Walton, captured the public mood when he called for “the full power of the state to deliver justice” for thousands of working-class girls who fell victim to these crimes.

Labour Peer Maurice Glasman’s proposal for a royal commission with arrest powers represents the robust response needed to address both the direct perpetrators and those whose inaction or obstruction protected them.

The arguments against a national inquiry increasingly ring hollow. Sir Keir Starmer’s opposition, citing concerns about timeframes and existing recommendations, appears particularly inadequate given the scale of abuse now known. Even Andy Burnham, Mayor of Manchester, has joined calls for at least a “limited national inquiry,” suggesting growing recognition that current measures are insufficient.

Sarah Champion’s new five-point plan, while welcome, raises uncomfortable questions about why such obvious steps weren’t taken years ago. Her calls for a national audit of ongoing exploitation operations, investigation into perpetrator motivations, and review of child protection laws highlight the comprehensive approach needed – exactly what a royal commission could provide.

The commission’s scope must be broad enough to examine:

  • The pattern of exploitation across all affected regions
  • The consistent institutional failures that allowed abuse to continue
  • The factors that led to widespread reluctance to investigate these crimes
  • The adequacy of current child protection laws and procedures
  • The systemic changes needed to prevent future failures

Most importantly, as Champion emphasises, “Transparency and accountability need to be embedded into this process, with victims and survivors sitting at its heart.” A royal commission would provide the formal structure and legal powers to ensure this happens.

The cost and timeframe of such a commission cannot be barriers to action. When evidence suggests systematic exploitation across 50 towns and cities, how can we argue against a comprehensive investigation? The true cost lies in allowing these institutional failures to remain unexamined, leaving survivors without justice and future generations at risk.

We stand at a crucial juncture. The growing evidence of widespread institutional failure demands more than piecemeal investigations or half-measures. It requires a royal commission with full powers to investigate, compel testimony, and ensure accountability.

The victims, now survivors, deserve more than piecemeal investigations. They deserve to know how the very institutions meant to protect them became complicit in their abuse. They deserve to see justice served not just to individual perpetrators, but to everyone who enabled these crimes through action or inaction.

The survivors’ courage in coming forward demands nothing less than a full accounting of how Britain’s institutions failed to protect its children.

The question is no longer whether such a commission is necessary, but how history will judge our response to this crisis. Will we choose comprehensive investigation and reform, or will we continue to look away from uncomfortable truths? The answer will define not just how we deal with past failures, but how we protect children in the future.

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